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  <title>DSpace Collection:</title>
  <link rel="alternate" href="https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/18935" />
  <subtitle />
  <id>https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/18935</id>
  <updated>2026-08-26T03:06:32Z</updated>
  <dc:date>2026-08-26T03:06:32Z</dc:date>
  <entry>
    <title>O subimperialismo brasileiro e o período da ditadura: o papel do Estado na consolidação da dinâmica subimperialista</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/49683" />
    <author>
      <name />
    </author>
    <id>https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/49683</id>
    <updated>2026-08-20T06:25:27Z</updated>
    <published>2026-07-09T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: O subimperialismo brasileiro e o período da ditadura: o papel do Estado na consolidação da dinâmica subimperialista
Abstract: This study analyzes the role of the Brazilian State in consolidating subimperialism during the &#xD;
military dictatorship (1964–1985), based on the Marxist Theory of Dependency. It assumes that &#xD;
the 1964 coup enabled the formation of a new power block composed of fractions of national &#xD;
capital, foreign capital, and the military elite, which used the State as a central instrument to &#xD;
establish a new pattern of capital accumulation. The study argues that the State assumed &#xD;
expanded roles in the economic, political, and social spheres, acting to resolve capital &#xD;
realization constraints and to articulate structural elements that elevated the Brazilian economy &#xD;
to a subimperialist stage. Among these elements are the super-exploitation of labor and &#xD;
structural transfers of value; the average organic composition of capital; the tripartite scheme &#xD;
of realization; regional hegemony; and antagonistic cooperation with imperialist powers. It is &#xD;
further argued that the authoritarian nature of the regime was crucial, especially in its early &#xD;
years, to suppress social conflicts and enable the implementation of this model, particularly &#xD;
through repressive measures such as Institutional Act No. 5 and the period known as the &#xD;
Economic Miracle. However, from the second half of the 1970s onwards, there was a gradual &#xD;
replacement of direct coercion by more sophisticated mechanisms of domination, contributing &#xD;
to the reproduction of the subimperialist pattern under conditions of increasing democratic &#xD;
legitimacy. Methodologically, the study adopts a historical-dialectical approach, articulating &#xD;
economic, political, and social dimensions to understand the role of the State and its &#xD;
implications for the dynamics of dependency in Brazil.</summary>
    <dc:date>2026-07-09T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Entre contestação e engajamento: a política da África do Sul perante o Tribunal Penal Internacional</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/49542" />
    <author>
      <name />
    </author>
    <id>https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/49542</id>
    <updated>2026-08-14T06:19:18Z</updated>
    <published>2026-05-08T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Entre contestação e engajamento: a política da África do Sul perante o Tribunal Penal Internacional
Abstract: This study analyzes the ambivalent trajectory of South Africa in relation to the International&#xD;
Criminal Court (ICC), focusing on the movement from the announcement of withdrawal from&#xD;
the Rome Statute in 2016 to its repositioning as a leading supporter of the Court in 2024/2025.&#xD;
The central problem lies in the tensions between international commitments, domestic&#xD;
dynamics, and strategic foreign policy positioning vis-à-vis the ICC, particularly in the context&#xD;
of African criticisms regarding the Court’s functioning and the asymmetries in the application&#xD;
of international criminal justice. The main objective is to investigate the political, legal, and&#xD;
institutional factors, both internal and external, that explain this shift in South Africa’s position,&#xD;
analyzing how the interaction among these elements conditioned both the withdrawal initiative&#xD;
and its subsequent revocation and discursive shift. To this end, the study adopts a qualitative&#xD;
and exploratory approach, which is mobilized through the case study of South Africa and the&#xD;
analysis of specialized literature, institutional documents, and international media coverage.&#xD;
The findings indicate that South Africa’s trajectory cannot be explained by a single isolated&#xD;
factor, but rather results from the interaction between domestic, strategic, and normative&#xD;
variables. It is concluded that the apparent ambivalence, between contestation and engagement,&#xD;
constitutes, in fact, a foreign policy strategy that mobilizes multilateral international&#xD;
institutions, particularly the ICC, both as a tool to criticize systemic asymmetries and as a&#xD;
resource for projecting legitimacy and leadership in the international arena.</summary>
    <dc:date>2026-05-08T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Oswaldo Aranha e a Questão da Palestina</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/49311" />
    <author>
      <name />
    </author>
    <id>https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/49311</id>
    <updated>2026-08-07T06:22:04Z</updated>
    <published>2025-02-14T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Oswaldo Aranha e a Questão da Palestina
Abstract: This dissertation examines the role played by Oswaldo Aranha at the United Nations in 1947, focusing on his presidency of the First Special Session and the Second Regular Session of the General Assembly, which culminated in the adoption of Resolution 181 on the partition of Palestine. Departing from the observation that Brazilian foreign policy in the immediate post–Second World War period remains underexplored in the literature, the study seeks to assess to what extent Aranha’s leadership influenced the outcome of the deliberations on the so-called Palestine Question. Methodologically, the research is designed as a single, explanatory case study, grounded in extensive archival research using primary sources from the Historical Archive of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, CPDOC/FGV, and the United Nations archives, as well as relevant secondary literature. Drawing on Jörn Rüsen’s framework for historical analysis, the dissertation reconstructs both the historical background of the Palestine issue and Aranha’s political and diplomatic trajectory, highlighting how his prior experience, international credibility, and procedural skills shaped the management of debates, strategic postponements, and voting processes. The findings indicate that, although Aranha did not determine the substantive content of the decision, his performance as presiding officer was instrumental in ensuring the institutional conditions that enabled the approval of the partition plan, thereby playing a significant role in one of the most consequential episodes in United Nations history and postwar international politics.; Esta tesis examina el papel desempeñado por Oswaldo Aranha en las Naciones Unidas en 1947, centrándose en su presidencia del Primer Periodo Extraordinario de Sesiones y del Segundo Periodo Ordinario de Sesiones de la Asamblea General, que culminó con la adopción de la Resolución 181 sobre la partición de Palestina. Partiendo de la observación de que la política exterior brasileña en el período inmediatamente posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial sigue siendo poco explorada en la literatura, el estudio busca evaluar en qué medida el liderazgo de Aranha influyó en el resultado de las deliberaciones sobre la llamada Cuestión Palestina. Metodológicamente, la investigación está diseñada como un estudio de caso único y explicativo, basado en una extensa investigación de archivo que utiliza fuentes primarias del Archivo Histórico del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Brasil, CPDOC/FGV, y los archivos de las Naciones Unidas, así como literatura secundaria relevante. Basándose en el marco de análisis histórico de Jörn Rüsen, la tesis reconstruye tanto los antecedentes históricos de la cuestión palestina como la trayectoria política y diplomática de Aranha, destacando cómo su experiencia previa, credibilidad internacional y habilidades procesales influyeron en la gestión de debates, aplazamientos estratégicos y procesos de votación. Las conclusiones indican que, si bien Aranha no determinó el contenido sustancial de la decisión, su desempeño como presidente fue fundamental para garantizar las condiciones institucionales que permitieron la aprobación del plan de partición, desempeñando así un papel significativo en uno de los episodios más trascendentales de la historia de las Naciones Unidas y la política internacional de posguerra.</summary>
    <dc:date>2025-02-14T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>O conflito armado da Colômbia e o Continuum da violência: acordo de paz, violência sexual e patriarcado</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/49262" />
    <author>
      <name />
    </author>
    <id>https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/49262</id>
    <updated>2026-08-05T06:21:04Z</updated>
    <published>2026-04-27T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: O conflito armado da Colômbia e o Continuum da violência: acordo de paz, violência sexual e patriarcado
Abstract: This study analyzes sexual violence related to the Colombian armed conflict through the lens of the continuum of violence theory and feminist scholarship on patriarchy. It adopts the hypothesis that sexual violence, employed by all armed groups throughout the conflict, did not end with the 2016 Peace Agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP, as it is embedded within a continuum of violence sustained by patriarchal structures upheld by the state. Initially, a theoretical review is developed on peace agreements, patriarchy, and sexual violence, drawing on feminist authors who conceptualize gender-based violence as a structural and continuous phenomenon. Subsequently, a historical contextualization of the Colombian conflict is presented, highlighting its main actors, dynamics, and impacts on the civilian population. Finally, the study analyzes the implementation of the Peace Agreement from a gender perspective and examines patterns of sexual violence both during and after the conflict, based on empirical data and reports from international organizations. It concludes that, despite normative advances, the Agreement is insufficient to eradicate sexual violence, as it fails to dismantle the structural foundations of patriarchy that sustain the continuum of violence.</summary>
    <dc:date>2026-04-27T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
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